Billy Dean
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I think the Tories having an openly racist leader certainly helped hoover up the brexit vote
Current Affairs The General Election
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davids
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Can't wait for the moment it finally dawns on them that keeping those pesky Eastern Europeans out when you have no hard border controls with the Republic doesn't work as planned.
oh my mistake, I forgot that only existed for the scooby-do activists.
NilSatisOptimum
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At least we have moved from the snowflake, these characters mean business.
NilSatisOptimum
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When Lenki and Petra are replaced by Gauri and Gaurangi, some heads will wobble for sure.
I don’t think anyone will be intimidated by Giles, the vegan, sipping on his soy milk latte
And people who are on zero hours contracts that people out of work are the problem.
davids
Player Valuation: £70m
It's fair to say the demonisation of those on benefits is a done deal and has been for some time now. Get ready for more reruns of Benefits St
Bit embarrassing seeing people protesting against am election result. Fair enough, you can be very upset and disappointed but it's not a good look running about the streets wasting the police's time. And you certainly cant claim to be a democrat.
They should spend their time helping turn labour into an electable party again. That would be far more beneficial.
They should spend their time helping turn labour into an electable party again. That would be far more beneficial.
Kev The Rat
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They’d have to become a pro brexit party for that.
Brexit could be settled by 2024.
The key issue could be something completely different.
Labour's issue, in their current form, is that the key issue definitely isn't going to be nationalising broadband or lowering the vote to 16. They need to get out of london and get back in touch with the wider country and reality.
peteblue
Welcome back Wayne
An admirable position, however when an MP stops listening to those that put them into office do not be surprised when the same people vote an MP out of office.......
How Brexit exposed the frailties in Labour
The greatest failure of Jeremy Corbyn’s career was born in the hubris of its greatest success. In 2017, with a voter base split between leave and remain, Labour was widely expected to struggle to keep its flimsy electoral coalition together. But the party adopted a position of “tactical ambiguity”: it committed to leaving the EU and the single market and ending free movement of people, while adopting such a belligerent tone against a no-deal Brexit that remainers might mistake Labour for being against Brexit itself.
The relative success of Labour’s 2017 election campaign convinced the leadership that tactical ambiguity was the long-term solution to its Brexit conundrum. It could continue to mount parliamentary attacks on Theresa May’s minority government, while giving away as little as possible on where it actually stood.
As a result, the party fell behind the curve on Brexit. During the course of 2018, as support for a second referendum among remain voters hardened, Labour was left playing catch-up. Its complacency would cost it dear. The carefully crafted tactical ambiguity descended into megaphone diplomacy conducted by shadow ministers on the Sunday morning TV sofas. The likes of Keir Starmer and Barry Gardiner would openly contradict each other’s position, while Corbyn showed little in the way of leadership.
By the time Labour had excruciatingly dragged itself to supporting a second referendum, the party had been vanquished in the European elections, lost the trust of remainers, and demonstrated to the entire electorate that it couldn’t make up its mind. Strategic precision in 2017 had become panicked prevarication two years later.
Given the obliteration of Labour majorities in leave-voting parts of Wales and England, it is clear that the shift to backing a second referendum hurt the party at the polls. But not shifting would have hurt it the other way – Labour could plausibly have lost Bermondsey, Croydon Central, Battersea, Enfield Southgate and other seats had it not moved to swallow much of the remain vote.
Labour’s troubles go back to before the 2017 election and the policy of “tactical ambiguity”. Their root cause was the 2016 referendum campaign itself. Once Britain had voted leave – after a remain campaign whose inadequacies owed more to the Tory and Labour bigwigs running it, including Alan Johnson, than to Corbyn’s aloofness – the party was always going to be in difficulty.
But Corbyn’s position in the years that followed only made things worse. Whether remainers should have accepted Brexit after the referendum or fought on is a separate question – the fact is that enough remain voters wanted the opportunity to stop it. Had Labour adopted support for a second referendum earlier, it may have got back ahead of the curve and avoided looking like a dithering party with a leader who didn’t know his own mind. But it never managed to package its referendum commitment as a ticket to certainty rather than endless instability – while its leadership succeeded only in alienating leavers and remainers alike.
Thanks to this chastening electoral defeat, Brexit is something that will be done to Labour by the Tories. They now have the votes to get Britain out of the EU by the end of January. Labour was too complacent for too long, only to find it didn’t know what to do, and voters didn’t understand what it was trying to do.
The greatest failure of Jeremy Corbyn’s career was born in the hubris of its greatest success. In 2017, with a voter base split between leave and remain, Labour was widely expected to struggle to keep its flimsy electoral coalition together. But the party adopted a position of “tactical ambiguity”: it committed to leaving the EU and the single market and ending free movement of people, while adopting such a belligerent tone against a no-deal Brexit that remainers might mistake Labour for being against Brexit itself.
The relative success of Labour’s 2017 election campaign convinced the leadership that tactical ambiguity was the long-term solution to its Brexit conundrum. It could continue to mount parliamentary attacks on Theresa May’s minority government, while giving away as little as possible on where it actually stood.
As a result, the party fell behind the curve on Brexit. During the course of 2018, as support for a second referendum among remain voters hardened, Labour was left playing catch-up. Its complacency would cost it dear. The carefully crafted tactical ambiguity descended into megaphone diplomacy conducted by shadow ministers on the Sunday morning TV sofas. The likes of Keir Starmer and Barry Gardiner would openly contradict each other’s position, while Corbyn showed little in the way of leadership.
By the time Labour had excruciatingly dragged itself to supporting a second referendum, the party had been vanquished in the European elections, lost the trust of remainers, and demonstrated to the entire electorate that it couldn’t make up its mind. Strategic precision in 2017 had become panicked prevarication two years later.
Given the obliteration of Labour majorities in leave-voting parts of Wales and England, it is clear that the shift to backing a second referendum hurt the party at the polls. But not shifting would have hurt it the other way – Labour could plausibly have lost Bermondsey, Croydon Central, Battersea, Enfield Southgate and other seats had it not moved to swallow much of the remain vote.
Labour’s troubles go back to before the 2017 election and the policy of “tactical ambiguity”. Their root cause was the 2016 referendum campaign itself. Once Britain had voted leave – after a remain campaign whose inadequacies owed more to the Tory and Labour bigwigs running it, including Alan Johnson, than to Corbyn’s aloofness – the party was always going to be in difficulty.
But Corbyn’s position in the years that followed only made things worse. Whether remainers should have accepted Brexit after the referendum or fought on is a separate question – the fact is that enough remain voters wanted the opportunity to stop it. Had Labour adopted support for a second referendum earlier, it may have got back ahead of the curve and avoided looking like a dithering party with a leader who didn’t know his own mind. But it never managed to package its referendum commitment as a ticket to certainty rather than endless instability – while its leadership succeeded only in alienating leavers and remainers alike.
Thanks to this chastening electoral defeat, Brexit is something that will be done to Labour by the Tories. They now have the votes to get Britain out of the EU by the end of January. Labour was too complacent for too long, only to find it didn’t know what to do, and voters didn’t understand what it was trying to do.
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