They didn't, they reaffirmed that Parliament is Sovereign. It's that thing that we want to reclaim.
Current Affairs EU In or Out
- Thread starter micknick
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Amazing stuff.
Really? They upheld the law. No Prime Minister in history has tried to shut down parliament for FIVE seeks, at a time of fundamental national debate. That is what had changed. The AG was the tiniest bit over-optimistic to think it would get through.
Johnson now, he is a man of his word - Scottish court has agreed no need for an order against him because he has assured the court he will abide by the Benn Act.
He has no mandate at all for a no deal Brexit. How on earth is the ERG driving the country?
Cromwell he ain't
When the vote of no confidence goes against him, how could he lead us out of the EU?
don’t want to burst anyone’s bubble with reality, but the majority of that enters the EU anyway. Foods of both animal and non-animal origin are controlled by regulations based risk of that product. There’s a higher risk for POAO goods due to zoonoses
so ginger from the US, for example, is not current under any import controls and can freely enter the union. it would not be stopped at the port of entry for rat droppings.
any rejections of foods can be viewed on RASFF Portal (Rapid Alert System for Food and Feed) and it’ll tell you the country of origin of the product and the reason for rejection. The majority of failures within Europe are of European origin
the chlorinated chicken thing is one of the most misused statements currently on the go. The issue doesn’t revolve around the chlorination process but the animal welfare issue of the animals
Socrates
Player Valuation: £6m
Thanks for clearing that up. I understand that's your wheelhouse so I'll take that on board.
abelard
Player Valuation: £35m
The fantasy of a ‘national unity government’ is simply a gift to Brexiters
https://www.theguardian.com/comment...y-government-gift-brexiters-second-referendum
As politics descends into deeper chaos, more and more of those in Westminster have taken retreat in the imagination of their hearts. The unending speculation about a so-called government of national unity is the ultimate act of escapism: it provides deliverance from the chaos without the necessity of contact with the general public in an election.
The summit of ambition for such a government are politicians that reached the middle ranks of the coalition or New Labour governments, or perhaps those who have persisted in politics for long enough to see their Thatcher-era reputations laundered by the passage of time. It’s like fantasy football where, given the choice of any players in the world, they alight on Derby County’s 2007-08 first team – a team that suffered the lowest points total in Premier League history.
The promoters of this fantasy are those who would wish away every aspect of politics since Ed Miliband’s defeat. It simply reveals the yearning of centrist remainers for a politics where their strong sense of entitlement is fulfilled, where the natural order of things – where the “sensible people” are in charge – is restored. It erases more than a decade of crisis, from the collapse of the economic model to austerity to Brexit.
The fantasies make space for Anna Soubry or Dominic Grieve but not a single member of the current Labour frontbench, let alone the Labour leader himself. At the same time, such a government is supposed to be sustained by the Labour party providing fully three-quarters of the votes to provide it with confidence and supply. It is simply delusional.
But it also speaks to the “WhatsAppification” of politics: gossipy MPs letting their imaginations run wild, underpinned by the tragic belief that if it could be Margaret Beckett, then one day it could be them. It puts on display the worst of Westminster: obsessed with who is up and who is down; captured by groupthink; and more concerned with the periphery rather than the heart of the matter. MPs do their reputations no good by fuelling such speculation.
In practice, there is little political logic for most opposition parties to allow a government of national unity to be formed. Most Liberal Democrat target seats are held by Tories; they need to show Conservative voters that they would not put Corbyn in Downing Street. The SNP has every incentive to say it would cooperate with Corbyn in the knowledge that the Lib Dems would never let it happen. The various independents – from both Labour and the Tories – have such personal animus towards the Labour leader and are so certain to lose their seats that they have no reason to play ball.
The only circumstances in which such a government could emerge would be if Boris Johnson were to resign rather than comply with the Benn Act. A prime minister would be needed whose only political task would be to notify Brussels that the UK was seeking an extension and then immediately move for a dissolution. They would enter Downing Street in the knowledge that the Tories, independents and Lib Dems would bring down the government through a confidence motion if they attempted to do anything else. Such a government would certainly not last long enough to organise a second referendum.
Moreover, remainers should be careful of what they wish for. It is hard to imagine a better set of circumstances for the leave campaign in a second referendum than a poll organised by political has-beens in a government that is disabled, unable to pass a budget, overseeing a continuing crisis, and lacking any public legitimacy. Indeed, there is every chance that a poll organised under such circumstances would be boycotted by leavers altogether, and that the Tory party would campaign in the general election that followed to respect the 2016 result. Then what?
Ultimately, remainers lack strategic clarity. The simple truth is this: the most likely way to stop Brexit is to elect a Labour government that will deliver a referendum. The most likely circumstances in which a referendum will be won is a government that ends the crippling austerity that has blighted so many lives. The most effective way to stop a referendum being about the expression of satisfaction with the government of the day is for the prime minister to sit out the campaign rather than front it. They may not like it, but the route to remain lies in a strong electoral performance for Labour.
Yet remainers have ceased to critically examine the best route to achieving the outcome they desire. When it comes to Brexit they have embraced the very form of politics that they claim to detest: expressive rather than instrumental, dogmatic rather than pragmatic. Do any remainers seriously believe that leave supporters are most likely to get the Brexit they want by voting for the Brexit party rather than the Tories? And yet many are prepared to vote for the Lib Dems because of their disillusionment with Corbyn’s seeming ambivalence about the EU. If remainers vote with their hearts rather than their heads, they will be the unassuming midwives of Brexit. And no escapist fantasy will get Britain back into the EU if we leave.
https://www.theguardian.com/comment...y-government-gift-brexiters-second-referendum
As politics descends into deeper chaos, more and more of those in Westminster have taken retreat in the imagination of their hearts. The unending speculation about a so-called government of national unity is the ultimate act of escapism: it provides deliverance from the chaos without the necessity of contact with the general public in an election.
The summit of ambition for such a government are politicians that reached the middle ranks of the coalition or New Labour governments, or perhaps those who have persisted in politics for long enough to see their Thatcher-era reputations laundered by the passage of time. It’s like fantasy football where, given the choice of any players in the world, they alight on Derby County’s 2007-08 first team – a team that suffered the lowest points total in Premier League history.
The promoters of this fantasy are those who would wish away every aspect of politics since Ed Miliband’s defeat. It simply reveals the yearning of centrist remainers for a politics where their strong sense of entitlement is fulfilled, where the natural order of things – where the “sensible people” are in charge – is restored. It erases more than a decade of crisis, from the collapse of the economic model to austerity to Brexit.
The fantasies make space for Anna Soubry or Dominic Grieve but not a single member of the current Labour frontbench, let alone the Labour leader himself. At the same time, such a government is supposed to be sustained by the Labour party providing fully three-quarters of the votes to provide it with confidence and supply. It is simply delusional.
But it also speaks to the “WhatsAppification” of politics: gossipy MPs letting their imaginations run wild, underpinned by the tragic belief that if it could be Margaret Beckett, then one day it could be them. It puts on display the worst of Westminster: obsessed with who is up and who is down; captured by groupthink; and more concerned with the periphery rather than the heart of the matter. MPs do their reputations no good by fuelling such speculation.
In practice, there is little political logic for most opposition parties to allow a government of national unity to be formed. Most Liberal Democrat target seats are held by Tories; they need to show Conservative voters that they would not put Corbyn in Downing Street. The SNP has every incentive to say it would cooperate with Corbyn in the knowledge that the Lib Dems would never let it happen. The various independents – from both Labour and the Tories – have such personal animus towards the Labour leader and are so certain to lose their seats that they have no reason to play ball.
The only circumstances in which such a government could emerge would be if Boris Johnson were to resign rather than comply with the Benn Act. A prime minister would be needed whose only political task would be to notify Brussels that the UK was seeking an extension and then immediately move for a dissolution. They would enter Downing Street in the knowledge that the Tories, independents and Lib Dems would bring down the government through a confidence motion if they attempted to do anything else. Such a government would certainly not last long enough to organise a second referendum.
Moreover, remainers should be careful of what they wish for. It is hard to imagine a better set of circumstances for the leave campaign in a second referendum than a poll organised by political has-beens in a government that is disabled, unable to pass a budget, overseeing a continuing crisis, and lacking any public legitimacy. Indeed, there is every chance that a poll organised under such circumstances would be boycotted by leavers altogether, and that the Tory party would campaign in the general election that followed to respect the 2016 result. Then what?
Ultimately, remainers lack strategic clarity. The simple truth is this: the most likely way to stop Brexit is to elect a Labour government that will deliver a referendum. The most likely circumstances in which a referendum will be won is a government that ends the crippling austerity that has blighted so many lives. The most effective way to stop a referendum being about the expression of satisfaction with the government of the day is for the prime minister to sit out the campaign rather than front it. They may not like it, but the route to remain lies in a strong electoral performance for Labour.
Yet remainers have ceased to critically examine the best route to achieving the outcome they desire. When it comes to Brexit they have embraced the very form of politics that they claim to detest: expressive rather than instrumental, dogmatic rather than pragmatic. Do any remainers seriously believe that leave supporters are most likely to get the Brexit they want by voting for the Brexit party rather than the Tories? And yet many are prepared to vote for the Lib Dems because of their disillusionment with Corbyn’s seeming ambivalence about the EU. If remainers vote with their hearts rather than their heads, they will be the unassuming midwives of Brexit. And no escapist fantasy will get Britain back into the EU if we leave.
peteblue
Welcome back Wayne
Obviously if you compare the Eu with the U.K. then we will be worse off. Similarly if you compare the U.K. with the ROI then they will be worse off. Not everyone will suffer the same, but not everyone will then have new opportunities. It looks like EU intransigence coupled with the Benn Surrender Act has killed off any potential deal and that is a shame.....
So why is your government saying otherwise? Why do they continue to peddle the line that no deal will be hunky dory?
Such leadership - not a shame, but a tragedy of profound incompetence,
March 2016, Johnson said: “I put it to you, all those who say that there would be barriers to trade with Europe if we were to do a Brexit, do you seriously believe that they would put up tariffs against UK produce of any kind, when they know how much they want to sell us their cake, their champagne, their cheese from France? It is totally and utterly absurd.” (Speaking at a Vote Leave event)
Writing in the Telegraph three days after the referendum, Johnson said: “[We] who agreed with this majority verdict must accept that it was not entirely overwhelming.” He then sought to reassure remain voters that the UK would still have access to the single market:
“EU citizens living in this country will have their rights fully protected, and the same goes for British citizens living in the EU. British people will still be able to go and work in the EU; to live; to travel; to study; to buy homes and to settle down,”.... “The only change – and it will not come in any great rush – is that the UK will extricate itself from the EU’s extraordinary and opaque system of legislation.”
As foreign secretary Johnson told the House of Commons in July 2017: “There is no plan for no deal because we are going to get a great deal.”
Humbug is hardly the word.
tsubaki
Player Valuation: £90m
I disagree with a lot of that; a Government formed out of “the rest” could well happen and it would be a viable way of fixing this mess.
For a start, Labour must enter with the intention of Corbyn being PM. The LDs, ex-Tories and “independents” will refuse to serve under him, making a Corbyn led government unsustainable (though not impossible).
Labour should get to the point where they actually refuse, proving to the public that the Libs and the rest are not serious about stopping Brexit “at any cost”.
Labour should then put forward an alternate figure, someone who the Libs could have no reason not to support, to head that Government. This would have to be someone who was on the Labour front bench and who had played a big role in the Brexit fight - Starmer, in other words.
Labour should then say that the unity government will renegotiate a deal and then hold a 2nd ref on that deal vs remain within six months, and get an extension on that basis. If the Libs and the others refuse that, a general election follows. If not, the next six months is spent negotiating (by Labour, probably Corbyn himself) and campaigning for the ref. Spending and other electoral law will be as for a GE and not as it was in 2016.
Once the ref result is back, implement it and have a GE.
I was reading about GM crops last week ,farmers can't grow them in the EU , but the EU is the second biggest buyer of GM crops in the world, seemed a bit strange.
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