davek
Player Valuation: £150m
Vermin. Him, obviously.
Current Affairs The General Election
- Thread starter summerisle
- Start date
- Status
zzr45
#MURDERINGSCUM
I see you got the complete wrong end of the stick there pal. Some of his biggest supporters on here were also people that decried the police on Friday as murderers and executioners. Surely now that Corbyn has said that was okay, people couldn’t possibly vote for him?
Also I like the whole ‘you don’t like Corbyn so must be a Tory.’ Great deductive skills.
There's an "n" missing from the middle of "cuts".
OnlyBlueWillDo
Player Valuation: £35m
You can't not agree with him on this subject.
If there has been a worse written article during this election campaign than the one below from today's Sunday Times I will be amazed.
In No 10, the coup complete, Jeremy Corbyn’s mask will fall
tom bower
Share
Save
Poor opinion polls and a car crash TV interview have not depressed Jeremy Corbyn. On the contrary, after 50 years campaigning for a socialist state, he is astonished by his own success. Through an obstinate unwillingness to compromise, he and a small group of life-long comrades are still going for broke — to fulfil shadow chancellor John McDonnell’s ambition of an “irreversible shift of wealth and power” to transform Britain into a Marxist society.
After a lifetime of agitation, countless demonstrations and conspiracies forged in innumerable meetings, Corbyn and his cabal believe that in two weeks they might be in Downing Street — an ambition that just four years ago was beyond their wildest dreams.
Desperate remainers, eager for a hung parliament to deliver a second referendum, fail to grasp how their reliance on Corbyn as a temporary prime minister could rebound upon them. Corbyn and McDonnell will conjure any pretext to enter Downing Street, offering unlimited promises to secure the support of the Lib Dems and Scots nationalists.
Once inside, any institutional shackles would disappear. Within hours, unrestrained by parliament or law, Corbyn and McDonnell would strip away their mask and use executive powers to neutralise opposition from unsympathetic civil servants, judges, quangocrats and military officers. Both by dismissal of foes and the appointment of their supporters to key positions, they would execute a bloodless coup.
Those Lib Dem supporters, such as the Times columnist Matthew Parris, who are desperate for a second referendum and reassuringly quote the bulwark of Britain’s institutions as protection against a Marxist coup misunderstand the ruthlessness of those dedicated to the dictatorship of the proletariat.
No authority can restrict Corbyn’s powers as prime minister to purge Whitehall. With the backing of the Unite leader, Len McCluskey, any establishment attempt to “sabotage” the government would be crushed by strikes and follow a blueprint outlined by Lenin — an inspiration to Corbyn’s comrades for 50 years.
Corbyn never imagined his destination would be Downing Street when, as a 20-year old volunteer teacher in Jamaica in 1969, he was persuaded that white imperialists financed by Jews had enslaved the world’s workers. Britain, he became convinced, was a bastion of racism, inequality and exploitation.
Impaired by his own lacklustre ambitions and limited education — he had scraped through two A-levels and failed a third — he dreamt of a socialist paradise to empower losers like himself.
On his return to Britain he joined the Labour Party and in 1972 attended a Young Socialists’ weekend camp in Skegness organised by Trotskyists. In that unfashionable seaside town, Corbyn learnt of Lenin’s advice to his British followers: “Support the Labour Party as the rope supports the hanged man.” His ambition was to infiltrate Labour, get elected as an MP, take power and destroy capitalism. “Jeremy was a Trotskyist,” recalled Jane Chapman, his first wife. “No doubt about it.”
Corbyn’s battlefield in the 1970s was Haringey, north London, where he upset residents by encouraging squatters and allowing gypsies to live in local parks.
For most Britons, it was a wretched decade. But for Corbyn it was a magnificent roller-coaster. Endless strikes, 25% inflation, harsh devaluation and crippling interest rates almost tipped capitalism into an existential crisis. Employed by the National Union of Public Employees, he repeatedly organised strikes of council workers against local authorities.
Simultaneously, as the leader of Haringey’s left-wing councillors, he agitated for “industrial democracy” — mass nationalisation and the confiscation of private wealth. And as the leader of his local Labour Party in Hornsey, he orchestrated the purge of social democrats to turn his constituency into a communist outpost.
In the end, the left failed but defeat never stopped the revolutionaries. Every setback was the precursor to another campaign.
London Briefing, a Trotskyist group including Corbyn and McDonnell, plotted in 1981 to overthrow Labour’s moderate leadership of the Greater London Council. Just hours after Labour won the local elections, the left staged a brutally executed coup and unexpectedly took control.
The risk desperate remainers must consider is whether they can trust Corbyn not to repeat the 1981 takeover. Can the SNP and Lib Dems believe that if, after an indecisive election, he emerges as the leader of a minority government with the promise to stage a referendum in three months, he will honour his pledge? Or would Corbyn endlessly delay while the Marxists consolidated their rule?
They certainly cannot expect help from Sir Keir Starmer, Emily Thornberry and Labour’s other social democrat MPs who remained in cowardly silence as female Jewish MPs were hounded from the party.
Over the past months, Corbyn and McDonnell have conjured an image of benign visionaries, the grandfather and the bank manager, to defuse fears of a Labour government.
The reality is that even if they fail on December 12, Corbyn and his successors will resume their struggle the next day in the conviction that eventually the red flag will flutter over Downing Street. And once inside, no power will ever remove them.
Dangerous Hero: Corbyn’s Ruthless Plot for Power by Tom Bower, is published by William Collins at £9.99
In No 10, the coup complete, Jeremy Corbyn’s mask will fall
tom bower
Share
Save
Poor opinion polls and a car crash TV interview have not depressed Jeremy Corbyn. On the contrary, after 50 years campaigning for a socialist state, he is astonished by his own success. Through an obstinate unwillingness to compromise, he and a small group of life-long comrades are still going for broke — to fulfil shadow chancellor John McDonnell’s ambition of an “irreversible shift of wealth and power” to transform Britain into a Marxist society.
After a lifetime of agitation, countless demonstrations and conspiracies forged in innumerable meetings, Corbyn and his cabal believe that in two weeks they might be in Downing Street — an ambition that just four years ago was beyond their wildest dreams.
Desperate remainers, eager for a hung parliament to deliver a second referendum, fail to grasp how their reliance on Corbyn as a temporary prime minister could rebound upon them. Corbyn and McDonnell will conjure any pretext to enter Downing Street, offering unlimited promises to secure the support of the Lib Dems and Scots nationalists.
Once inside, any institutional shackles would disappear. Within hours, unrestrained by parliament or law, Corbyn and McDonnell would strip away their mask and use executive powers to neutralise opposition from unsympathetic civil servants, judges, quangocrats and military officers. Both by dismissal of foes and the appointment of their supporters to key positions, they would execute a bloodless coup.
Those Lib Dem supporters, such as the Times columnist Matthew Parris, who are desperate for a second referendum and reassuringly quote the bulwark of Britain’s institutions as protection against a Marxist coup misunderstand the ruthlessness of those dedicated to the dictatorship of the proletariat.
No authority can restrict Corbyn’s powers as prime minister to purge Whitehall. With the backing of the Unite leader, Len McCluskey, any establishment attempt to “sabotage” the government would be crushed by strikes and follow a blueprint outlined by Lenin — an inspiration to Corbyn’s comrades for 50 years.
Corbyn never imagined his destination would be Downing Street when, as a 20-year old volunteer teacher in Jamaica in 1969, he was persuaded that white imperialists financed by Jews had enslaved the world’s workers. Britain, he became convinced, was a bastion of racism, inequality and exploitation.
Impaired by his own lacklustre ambitions and limited education — he had scraped through two A-levels and failed a third — he dreamt of a socialist paradise to empower losers like himself.
On his return to Britain he joined the Labour Party and in 1972 attended a Young Socialists’ weekend camp in Skegness organised by Trotskyists. In that unfashionable seaside town, Corbyn learnt of Lenin’s advice to his British followers: “Support the Labour Party as the rope supports the hanged man.” His ambition was to infiltrate Labour, get elected as an MP, take power and destroy capitalism. “Jeremy was a Trotskyist,” recalled Jane Chapman, his first wife. “No doubt about it.”
Corbyn’s battlefield in the 1970s was Haringey, north London, where he upset residents by encouraging squatters and allowing gypsies to live in local parks.
For most Britons, it was a wretched decade. But for Corbyn it was a magnificent roller-coaster. Endless strikes, 25% inflation, harsh devaluation and crippling interest rates almost tipped capitalism into an existential crisis. Employed by the National Union of Public Employees, he repeatedly organised strikes of council workers against local authorities.
Simultaneously, as the leader of Haringey’s left-wing councillors, he agitated for “industrial democracy” — mass nationalisation and the confiscation of private wealth. And as the leader of his local Labour Party in Hornsey, he orchestrated the purge of social democrats to turn his constituency into a communist outpost.
In the end, the left failed but defeat never stopped the revolutionaries. Every setback was the precursor to another campaign.
London Briefing, a Trotskyist group including Corbyn and McDonnell, plotted in 1981 to overthrow Labour’s moderate leadership of the Greater London Council. Just hours after Labour won the local elections, the left staged a brutally executed coup and unexpectedly took control.
The risk desperate remainers must consider is whether they can trust Corbyn not to repeat the 1981 takeover. Can the SNP and Lib Dems believe that if, after an indecisive election, he emerges as the leader of a minority government with the promise to stage a referendum in three months, he will honour his pledge? Or would Corbyn endlessly delay while the Marxists consolidated their rule?
They certainly cannot expect help from Sir Keir Starmer, Emily Thornberry and Labour’s other social democrat MPs who remained in cowardly silence as female Jewish MPs were hounded from the party.
Over the past months, Corbyn and McDonnell have conjured an image of benign visionaries, the grandfather and the bank manager, to defuse fears of a Labour government.
The reality is that even if they fail on December 12, Corbyn and his successors will resume their struggle the next day in the conviction that eventually the red flag will flutter over Downing Street. And once inside, no power will ever remove them.
Dangerous Hero: Corbyn’s Ruthless Plot for Power by Tom Bower, is published by William Collins at £9.99
gonetomorrow
Player Valuation: £80m
The sad thing is the man's obviously got talent.
tsubaki
Player Valuation: £90m
I like how Bower managed to replicate his book's achievement of claiming Corbyn ended up here by luck whilst also citing his fiendishly plotting to get here.
However my favourite bit is how Lenin's blueprint is being followed by (checks notes) standing candidates in elections.
However my favourite bit is how Lenin's blueprint is being followed by (checks notes) standing candidates in elections.
davek
Player Valuation: £150m
dannyboy
Player Valuation: £70m
If there has been a worse written article during this election campaign than the one below from today's Sunday Times I will be amazed.
In No 10, the coup complete, Jeremy Corbyn’s mask will fall
tom bower
Share
Save
Poor opinion polls and a car crash TV interview have not depressed Jeremy Corbyn. On the contrary, after 50 years campaigning for a socialist state, he is astonished by his own success. Through an obstinate unwillingness to compromise, he and a small group of life-long comrades are still going for broke — to fulfil shadow chancellor John McDonnell’s ambition of an “irreversible shift of wealth and power” to transform Britain into a Marxist society.
After a lifetime of agitation, countless demonstrations and conspiracies forged in innumerable meetings, Corbyn and his cabal believe that in two weeks they might be in Downing Street — an ambition that just four years ago was beyond their wildest dreams.
Desperate remainers, eager for a hung parliament to deliver a second referendum, fail to grasp how their reliance on Corbyn as a temporary prime minister could rebound upon them. Corbyn and McDonnell will conjure any pretext to enter Downing Street, offering unlimited promises to secure the support of the Lib Dems and Scots nationalists.
Once inside, any institutional shackles would disappear. Within hours, unrestrained by parliament or law, Corbyn and McDonnell would strip away their mask and use executive powers to neutralise opposition from unsympathetic civil servants, judges, quangocrats and military officers. Both by dismissal of foes and the appointment of their supporters to key positions, they would execute a bloodless coup.
Those Lib Dem supporters, such as the Times columnist Matthew Parris, who are desperate for a second referendum and reassuringly quote the bulwark of Britain’s institutions as protection against a Marxist coup misunderstand the ruthlessness of those dedicated to the dictatorship of the proletariat.
No authority can restrict Corbyn’s powers as prime minister to purge Whitehall. With the backing of the Unite leader, Len McCluskey, any establishment attempt to “sabotage” the government would be crushed by strikes and follow a blueprint outlined by Lenin — an inspiration to Corbyn’s comrades for 50 years.
Corbyn never imagined his destination would be Downing Street when, as a 20-year old volunteer teacher in Jamaica in 1969, he was persuaded that white imperialists financed by Jews had enslaved the world’s workers. Britain, he became convinced, was a bastion of racism, inequality and exploitation.
Impaired by his own lacklustre ambitions and limited education — he had scraped through two A-levels and failed a third — he dreamt of a socialist paradise to empower losers like himself.
On his return to Britain he joined the Labour Party and in 1972 attended a Young Socialists’ weekend camp in Skegness organised by Trotskyists. In that unfashionable seaside town, Corbyn learnt of Lenin’s advice to his British followers: “Support the Labour Party as the rope supports the hanged man.” His ambition was to infiltrate Labour, get elected as an MP, take power and destroy capitalism. “Jeremy was a Trotskyist,” recalled Jane Chapman, his first wife. “No doubt about it.”
Corbyn’s battlefield in the 1970s was Haringey, north London, where he upset residents by encouraging squatters and allowing gypsies to live in local parks.
For most Britons, it was a wretched decade. But for Corbyn it was a magnificent roller-coaster. Endless strikes, 25% inflation, harsh devaluation and crippling interest rates almost tipped capitalism into an existential crisis. Employed by the National Union of Public Employees, he repeatedly organised strikes of council workers against local authorities.
Simultaneously, as the leader of Haringey’s left-wing councillors, he agitated for “industrial democracy” — mass nationalisation and the confiscation of private wealth. And as the leader of his local Labour Party in Hornsey, he orchestrated the purge of social democrats to turn his constituency into a communist outpost.
In the end, the left failed but defeat never stopped the revolutionaries. Every setback was the precursor to another campaign.
London Briefing, a Trotskyist group including Corbyn and McDonnell, plotted in 1981 to overthrow Labour’s moderate leadership of the Greater London Council. Just hours after Labour won the local elections, the left staged a brutally executed coup and unexpectedly took control.
The risk desperate remainers must consider is whether they can trust Corbyn not to repeat the 1981 takeover. Can the SNP and Lib Dems believe that if, after an indecisive election, he emerges as the leader of a minority government with the promise to stage a referendum in three months, he will honour his pledge? Or would Corbyn endlessly delay while the Marxists consolidated their rule?
They certainly cannot expect help from Sir Keir Starmer, Emily Thornberry and Labour’s other social democrat MPs who remained in cowardly silence as female Jewish MPs were hounded from the party.
Over the past months, Corbyn and McDonnell have conjured an image of benign visionaries, the grandfather and the bank manager, to defuse fears of a Labour government.
The reality is that even if they fail on December 12, Corbyn and his successors will resume their struggle the next day in the conviction that eventually the red flag will flutter over Downing Street. And once inside, no power will ever remove them.
Dangerous Hero: Corbyn’s Ruthless Plot for Power by Tom Bower, is published by William Collins at £9.99
I don´t think the anti Corbyn argument does itself any favours with bollocks like that.In fact, I think it has the complete opposite effect.
tsubaki
Player Valuation: £90m
especially as he'll be known as "former citizen 7293" soon
Good book the dangerous herolol
Why has Corbyn not sued him then?
- Status