Donald Trump for President Thread
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Y'all need to read this.
One of the participants at the 2000 White House conference, and one of Friedman’s sources of wisdom in “The Lexus and the Olive Tree,” was Clinton’s final Secretary of the Treasury, Lawrence Summers. At Treasury, Summers helped design the crisis rescue of the newly globalizing economies of Mexico, Russia, and South Korea. Summers and his immediate predecessor, Robert Rubin, pushed free trade and financial deregulation, and presided over the economic expansion of the Clinton years. Time put their faces, along with Greenspan’s, on its cover, calling them “The Committee to Save the World.”
Just as Summers received credit for the nineties boom, he took some blame for the Great Recession. He had helped the Clinton Administration push through the repeal of the Glass-Steagall Act, which had walled off commercial banking from investment banking. In 2000, he supported a law regulating derivatives that many critics have called insufficient. Summers has argued, convincingly, that the repeal of Glass-Steagall had little bearing on the 2008 crisis for which it became a chief symbol. Still, he strongly supported Wall Street deregulation, and he remains an important figure in the Democratic Party’s alignment with the professional class.
In July, I went to see Summers at his vacation home in Massachusetts. When I arrived, he had just pulled up—in a Lexus—after a morning of tennis. We sat on a terrace overlooking Cape Cod Bay. Summers described numerous trips that he had made during his years at Treasury to review antipoverty programs in Africa and Latin America, and in American inner cities. “I don’t think I ever went to Akron, or Flint, or Toledo, or Youngstown,” he admitted. To Democratic policymakers, poverty was foreign or it was black. As for displaced white workers in the Rust Belt, Summers said, “their problems weren’t heavily on our radar screen, and they were mad that their problems weren’t.”
Summers still supports trade agreements, including nafta. The problem, he said, is that few people understand the benefits: the jobs created by exporting goods; trade’s role in strengthening other economies, thereby reducing immigration flows from countries like Mexico. The “popularization of politics,” he said, keeps leaders from pursuing controversial but important policies. If the Marshall Plan had been focus-grouped, it never would have happened. Globalization creates what Summers called a “trilemma” among global integration, public goods like environmental protection or high wages, and national sovereignty. It’s become clear that Democratic élites, including him, underestimated the power of nationalism, because they didn’t feel it strongly themselves.
Summers described the current Democratic Party as “a coalition of the cosmopolitan élite and diversity.” The Republicans, he went on, combined “social conservatism and an agenda of helping rich people.” These alignments left neither party in synch with Americans like Mark Frisbie: “All these regular people who thought they are kind of the soul of the country—they feel like there was nobody who seemed to be thinking a lot about them.” In 2004, the political scientist Samuel Huntington published his final book, “Who Are We? The Challenges to America’s National Identity.” He used the term “cosmopolitan élites” to describe Americans who are at home in the fluid world of transnational corporations, dual citizenship, blended identities, and multicultural education. Such people dominate our universities, tech companies, publishers, nonprofits, entertainment studios, and news media. They congregate in cities and on the coasts. Lately, they have become particularly obsessed with the food they eat. The locavore movement, whatever its benefits to health and agriculture, is an inward-looking form of activism. When you visit a farm-to-table restaurant and order the wild-nettle sformato for thirty dollars, the line between social consciousness and self-gratification disappears. Buying synthetic-nitrate-free lunch meat at Whole Foods is also a way to isolate yourself from contamination by the packaged food sold at Kmart and from the overweight, downwardly mobile people who shop there. The people who buy food at Kmart know it.
http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2016/10/31/hillary-clinton-and-the-populist-revolt
If you are genuinely interested in what is going on over here, read this.
One of the participants at the 2000 White House conference, and one of Friedman’s sources of wisdom in “The Lexus and the Olive Tree,” was Clinton’s final Secretary of the Treasury, Lawrence Summers. At Treasury, Summers helped design the crisis rescue of the newly globalizing economies of Mexico, Russia, and South Korea. Summers and his immediate predecessor, Robert Rubin, pushed free trade and financial deregulation, and presided over the economic expansion of the Clinton years. Time put their faces, along with Greenspan’s, on its cover, calling them “The Committee to Save the World.”
Just as Summers received credit for the nineties boom, he took some blame for the Great Recession. He had helped the Clinton Administration push through the repeal of the Glass-Steagall Act, which had walled off commercial banking from investment banking. In 2000, he supported a law regulating derivatives that many critics have called insufficient. Summers has argued, convincingly, that the repeal of Glass-Steagall had little bearing on the 2008 crisis for which it became a chief symbol. Still, he strongly supported Wall Street deregulation, and he remains an important figure in the Democratic Party’s alignment with the professional class.
In July, I went to see Summers at his vacation home in Massachusetts. When I arrived, he had just pulled up—in a Lexus—after a morning of tennis. We sat on a terrace overlooking Cape Cod Bay. Summers described numerous trips that he had made during his years at Treasury to review antipoverty programs in Africa and Latin America, and in American inner cities. “I don’t think I ever went to Akron, or Flint, or Toledo, or Youngstown,” he admitted. To Democratic policymakers, poverty was foreign or it was black. As for displaced white workers in the Rust Belt, Summers said, “their problems weren’t heavily on our radar screen, and they were mad that their problems weren’t.”
Summers still supports trade agreements, including nafta. The problem, he said, is that few people understand the benefits: the jobs created by exporting goods; trade’s role in strengthening other economies, thereby reducing immigration flows from countries like Mexico. The “popularization of politics,” he said, keeps leaders from pursuing controversial but important policies. If the Marshall Plan had been focus-grouped, it never would have happened. Globalization creates what Summers called a “trilemma” among global integration, public goods like environmental protection or high wages, and national sovereignty. It’s become clear that Democratic élites, including him, underestimated the power of nationalism, because they didn’t feel it strongly themselves.
Summers described the current Democratic Party as “a coalition of the cosmopolitan élite and diversity.” The Republicans, he went on, combined “social conservatism and an agenda of helping rich people.” These alignments left neither party in synch with Americans like Mark Frisbie: “All these regular people who thought they are kind of the soul of the country—they feel like there was nobody who seemed to be thinking a lot about them.” In 2004, the political scientist Samuel Huntington published his final book, “Who Are We? The Challenges to America’s National Identity.” He used the term “cosmopolitan élites” to describe Americans who are at home in the fluid world of transnational corporations, dual citizenship, blended identities, and multicultural education. Such people dominate our universities, tech companies, publishers, nonprofits, entertainment studios, and news media. They congregate in cities and on the coasts. Lately, they have become particularly obsessed with the food they eat. The locavore movement, whatever its benefits to health and agriculture, is an inward-looking form of activism. When you visit a farm-to-table restaurant and order the wild-nettle sformato for thirty dollars, the line between social consciousness and self-gratification disappears. Buying synthetic-nitrate-free lunch meat at Whole Foods is also a way to isolate yourself from contamination by the packaged food sold at Kmart and from the overweight, downwardly mobile people who shop there. The people who buy food at Kmart know it.
http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2016/10/31/hillary-clinton-and-the-populist-revolt
If you are genuinely interested in what is going on over here, read this.
Roger Stone, unlike most of the Trump guys, doesn't have a NDA, might be some interesting post election comments...
Nil Satis Niasse Optimum
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DRAIN THE SWAMP!
MAKE AMERICA GREAT AGAIN!
LOCK HER UP!
BUILD THAT WALL!
CNN SUCKS!
MAKE AMERICA GREAT AGAIN!
LOCK HER UP!
BUILD THAT WALL!
CNN SUCKS!
Mate they sided with the Nazis because they were getting biffed by the Russians
abelard
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what does pull an Al Gore mean?
If the circumstances are the same, it won't be over today.
He's referencing the 2000 election where Florida came down to ~500 votes. It was the difference in the national election.
Nil Satis Niasse Optimum
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I don't know but it sounds super serial.
abelard
Player Valuation: £35m
The election to do something constructive about this already happened, and the good guy lost. What problem listed above does Trump or any other Republican actually solve?
....it'll soon be back to the transfer thread. Good luck and peace to all our posters on the other side of the pond.
abelard
Player Valuation: £35m
For many people "pull an Al Gore" probably means accept a questionable result and far more questionable set ofsubsequent legal procedures for the greater stability of the country. But I assume there is an alternate perspective.
Vote, America
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